British Anthropology Predicted The Disaster Of The Sexual Revolution In 1934

It's a common myth humanity only came to understand sexuality seventy years ago in the midst of the first transhuman medical interruption of the otherwise healthy biological process of menstruation, known as The Pill. The contemporary pseudo-discipline of sexology is a classic case of "hatchling syndrome," portraying its own enlightened existence as something, despite having existed for a hundred thousand years, we only discovered yesterday.

Unrestrained human sexuality has always carried with it severe consequences for the entire tribe: disease, rape, miscarriage, death in childbirth, unwanted pregnancy, consanguinity, inter-clan conflict, adultery, and more. We have evolved severe social taboos (guardrails) and stigmata (warning signs) regarding it for good reason. These are not artificial or religious "constructs," they are social constraints on individual irresponsibility affecting others.

Five spectacularly-corrupt and remarkably evil "academics" are largely responsible for the philosophical underpinnings of the idea humans can regress healthily to the behaviour of Bonobo monkeys and suffer no consequences: Magnus Hirschfield, Alfred Kinsey, Herbert Marcuse, John Money, and Frans de Waal. And for the idea all cultures are "equal," we have the equally appalling Franz Boas.

One Englishman's work stands against them, which time has proved correct.

Was It Really A Disaster?

Well, that depends. Particularly about whether you consider these things a disaster, and a fair price for all the great clothes and music:

• 10 million children dead before they took their first breath
• An explosion in sexually-transmitted disease
• Collapsing unhappiness in women across all Western societies
• Epidemic single motherhood and fatherlessness
• Adultery, divorce, etc etc.

The Boomer selfishness around this period is contained in a poem by Philip Larkin, entitled "High Windows."

When I see a couple of kids
And guess he’s fucking her and she’s
Taking pills or wearing a diaphragm,
I know this is paradise

Everyone old has dreamed of all their lives—
Bonds and gestures pushed to one side
Like an outdated combine harvester,
And everyone young going down the long slide

Back To Basics: Romans 1

Around 50 A.D. during the early Roman Empire near its height of power, St Paul eerily narrated the fate which accompanied polytheistic worship in Ancient Greece to the early Christians based in Rome. He described three stages of imperial collapse.

In the first stage, the civilisation’s hubris causes it to forsake religious sentiment for its own scientific marvel (e.g. nuclear weapons, DNA etc,), and adorn its walls with symbols of the created natural world. The result is the permissiveness of sexual revolution, or a cultural obsession with physical sexuality.

Although they claimed to be wise, they became fools and exchanged the glory of the immortal God for images made to look like a mortal human being and birds and animals and reptiles. Therefore God gave them over in the sinful desires of their hearts to sexual impurity for the degrading of their bodies with one another.

Greek mystery religions and philosophical schools effectively deified human reason for images of humans, birds, animals, and creeping things - their pantheon was filled with anthropomorphic gods like Zeus, Apollo, and Athena, alongside animal-headed deities borrowed from Egypt and elsewhere.

Caligula's declaration of his own divinity just years earlier exemplified the ultimate exchange of God's glory for human imagery - he had demanded state worship, placed his statue in temples, and engaged in theatrical "conversations" with Jupiter. The imperial cult requiring worship of dead emperors like Claudius represented the institutionalisation of this religious corruption. The sophisticated religious syncretism of the era - blending Greek philosophy with mystery religions and Eastern cults - showed how even intellectual approaches to spirituality had become corrupted. Temple prostitution in various cults merged religious practice with sexual exploitation.

When the civilisation goes one step further by substituting religious thought with falsehood, - actually begins to venerate or worship aspects of the created natural world -, the result is the perversion of a widespread homosexual revolution which causes epidemic disease.

They exchanged the truth about God for a lie, and worshiped and served created things rather than the Creator—who is forever praised. Amen. Because of this, God gave them over to shameful lusts. Even their women exchanged natural sexual relations for unnatural ones. In the same way the men also abandoned natural relations with women and were inflamed with lust for one another. Men committed shameful acts with other men, and received in themselves the due penalty for their error.

Greek pederasty - institutionalised relationships between older men and adolescent boys - was not only accepted but considered educational and culturally refined. Greek symposiums regularly featured sexual activity between men, temple prostitution was widespread in Greek religious practice, and sexual libertinism was philosophically justified by Greek schools of thought. The island of Lesbos became legendary for the lyric poetry of Sapphos as the Bacchanalia were for the indulgence of Dionysus.

Nero epitomised Roman corruption with his sexual excesses, including his public marriage to the male slave Sporus, while Roman bathhouses normalised widespread sexual promiscuity and exploitation. The legal sexual use of slaves regardless of gender had become an accepted institution, and pederasty among Roman elites was considered refined behaviour rather than abuse.

In the terminal stage, when the civilisation tramples religious sentiment underfoot as throwaway garbage, what’s left is a people suffering a profanity of “depraved mind” (“reprobate“, adokimos) who can no longer morally reason or function, utterly consumed with wickedness. They know what they are doing is morally abhorrent, but not only do they continue, they actually approve of others doing it.

Furthermore, just as they did not think it worthwhile to retain the knowledge of God, so God gave them over to a depraved mind, so that they do what ought not to be done. They have become filled with every kind of wickedness, evil, greed and depravity. They are full of envy, murder, strife, deceit and malice. They are gossips, slanderers, God-haters, insolent, arrogant and boastful; they invent ways of doing evil; they disobey their parents; they have no understanding, no fidelity, no love, no mercy. Although they know God’s righteous decree that those who do such things deserve death, they not only continue to do these very things but also approve of those who practice them.

The Greek term “adokimos” (Strong’s Concordance number 96) is translated in various ways in the New Testament, including “depraved mind,” “reprobate mind,” “disqualified,” “rejected,” or “unapproved.” This term appears in passages such as Romans 1:28, 1 Corinthians 9:27, and 2 Timothy 3:8.

Greek civilisation's ultimate decline into warfare, political chaos, and moral relativism - tje endless Greek city-state wars, the corruption of Athenian democracy, the rise of tyrants, and the eventual conquest by Rome, all demonstrated how sexual and religious corruption had led to broader civilisational collapse

Political assassinations became routine after Caesar's murder and continued under the emperors, while gladiatorial games reached new levels of brutality to satisfy society's appetite for violence. Administrative corruption was endemic: governors like Felix, who imprisoned Paul, openly demanded bribes as standard practice. Family structures collapsed among the elite through rampant divorce and purely transactional marriages, while broader cultural acceptance of deceit, greed, and exploitation became normal.

Unwin's Eighty Cultures

Joseph Unwin's comprehensive 1934 masterpiece examining human cultures. "Sex and Culture." detailed the correlation between sexual regulations and cultural achievement across eighty contemporary tribal societies and sixteen historical civilisations. This work is, of course, trashed by arrogant low-IQ social science graduate imbeciles, entirely incapable of the forensic thoroughness Unwin's brilliant scholarship exemplified for his time and is impossible to find now.

The three societies Unwin identified as achieving this highest “rationalistic” level were:

1. Ancient Athens (during its Golden Age)
2. The Roman Empire (during its rise and early period), and
3. The English.

His central thesis proposed an invariable relationship whereby societies imposing strict sexual constraints achieved higher levels of cultural development than those permitting sexual freedom.

Unwin termed this phenomenon "cultural energy," arguing sexual restraint redirected biological impulses into productive cultural activities including territorial expansion, architectural achievement, and social organisation complexity.

The study's comparative methodology drew upon extensive ethnographic data compiled through colonial administrative reports, missionary accounts, and early anthropological fieldwork.

Unwin classified societies according to their sexual regulations, correlating these patterns with observable cultural achievements across multiple domains.

His research distinguished three primary categories of sexual organisation, each producing distinct levels of cultural energy and civilisational development.

Africa

The African sample included pastoral, agricultural, and hunting societies across sub-Saharan regions. Major groups studied encompassed the Masai, Kikuyu, Zulu, Hottentots, Bushmen, Bantu peoples including the Bechuana and Herero, pastoral Fulani, agricultural Yoruba, the Baganda of Uganda, Ethiopian Galla, Somali pastoralists, and various Sudanese tribes including the Shilluk and Dinka. Additional societies included the Ashanti of the Gold Coast, forest peoples such as the Fang, and East African groups including the Nandi and Turkana.

Australia/Oceania

This sample covered Aboriginal Australian groups and Pacific Island societies. Australian tribes included the Arunta of Central Australia, Kurnai of Victoria, Tiwi of the Northern Territory, Yiriman, Kaitish, and various coastal and desert peoples. Pacific Island societies encompassed the Trobriand Islanders of Melanesia, Samoans, Tongans, Fijians, New Guinea highland groups, Solomon Islanders, and various Micronesian and Polynesian cultures including Hawaiian and Tahitian societies.

North America

The North American sample spanned diverse ecological zones and cultural areas. Plains societies included the Dakota Sioux, Blackfoot, and Crow. Eastern Woodland groups encompassed the Iroquois confederacy, Algonquian-speaking peoples including the Ojibwa, and southeastern tribes such as the Cherokee. Western societies included various Californian groups, Pacific Northwest peoples including the Haida, and Southwestern cultures such as the Pueblo peoples and Apache.

South America

The South American sample included societies from Patagonia to the Amazon basin. Groups studied encompassed the Fuegians of Tierra del Fuego, Araucanians of Chile, various Amazonian tribes including forest hunters and agricultural peoples, Andean highland societies, Patagonian peoples such as the Tehuelche, and coastal groups from both Pacific and Atlantic regions.

Asia

The Asian sample focused primarily on tribal peoples rather than major civilisations. Groups included Siberian peoples such as the Chukchi, Southeast Asian hill tribes, Indonesian societies including various island cultures, Philippine groups, and nomadic Central Asian peoples.

Europe

The European sample examined pre-modern tribal societies including early Germanic peoples, Celtic groups, and Slavic societies before Christian conversion and state formation.

Each society received systematic analysis regarding sexual regulations, marriage customs, kinship systems, and corresponding cultural achievements across domains including territorial expansion, architectural development, artistic production, technological innovation, and social organisation complexity. This comprehensive sample provided the empirical foundation for Unwin's theoretical conclusions regarding the universal relationship between sexual constraint and cultural energy.

Unwin's Classification System

Unwin developed a comprehensive taxonomic system organising societies. His primary classification identified three distinct categories reflecting varying degrees of sexual constraint and their associated cultural outcomes.

Zoistic cultures

Societies with complete sexual freedom, characterised by unrestricted pre-marital relations, easy divorce procedures, and polygamous arrangements. These societies exhibited what Unwin termed "dead" cultural energy, manifesting minimal achievements in territorial expansion, architectural development, or artistic production. The majority of his tribal sample fell within this category, displaying subsistence-level economies with rudimentary political organisation.

Manistic cultures

Moderate sexual restrictions including temporary pair-bonding arrangements and limited marriage regulations. These societies achieved intermediate cultural development levels, displaying greater territorial expansion, more sophisticated social organisation, and enhanced artistic production compared to zoistic cultures. However, their cultural energy remained insufficient for achieving the highest civilisational developments.

Deistic cultures

Strict monogamous marriage systems with severe penalties for adultery and comprehensive sexual codes. Only these societies achieved "rationalistic" cultural energy levels, manifesting in territorial empires, monumental architecture, sophisticated artistic traditions, and complex philosophical systems. Within this category, Unwin distinguished between "modified monogamy" and "absolute monogamy," with only the latter sustaining peak cultural achievement over extended periods.

The Reality Of Human "Progress"

Australian Aboriginal Groups

The Arunta tribe of Central Australia exemplified zoistic cultural patterns, practicing unrestricted sexual relations before marriage and maintaining relatively simple divorce procedures. Unwin documented their cultural achievements as minimal, noting their nomadic lifestyle, absence of permanent architecture, and limited territorial expansion. The tribe's social organisation remained based on kinship groups without complex political hierarchies.

The Kurnai of Victoria presented a contrasting example within the Australian sample. This society implemented stricter sexual regulations including formal betrothal systems and severe penalties for adultery. Unwin observed correspondingly higher cultural achievements, including more sophisticated tool production, semi-permanent settlements, and complex ceremonial practices. The Kurnai maintained territorial boundaries and engaged in organised warfare, indicating higher cultural energy levels than purely zoistic societies.

African Tribal Societies

The Masai of East Africa represented a manistic society with moderate sexual restrictions including age-grade marriage systems and polygamous arrangements regulated by social status. Their cultural achievements included sophisticated pastoralism, complex age-set organisation, and territorial expansion through organised warfare. The Masai maintained permanent settlements and developed elaborate ceremonial practices, indicating intermediate cultural energy levels.

The Kikuyu demonstrated stricter sexual regulations approaching deistic patterns. Their marriage system required formal negotiations, bride-price exchanges, and severe penalties for adultery. Unwin documented corresponding cultural achievements including advanced agricultural techniques, permanent settlements with defensive structures, and complex political organisation based on age-grades and territorial councils. The Kikuyu engaged in systematic territorial expansion and maintained sophisticated trade networks extending considerable distances.

The Hottentots provided an example of zoistic cultural patterns with minimal sexual restrictions and correspondingly limited cultural achievements. Unwin noted their nomadic pastoralism, absence of permanent architecture, and simple social organisation based on family groups without complex political hierarchies.

Pacific Island Societies

The Trobriand Islanders of Melanesia presented particular interest for Unwin's analysis due to their well-documented sexual practices through Bronisław Malinowski's ethnographic work. The Trobrianders maintained relatively permissive sexual customs including pre-marital freedom and matrilineal descent systems. Unwin classified them as zoistic, noting their limited territorial expansion, absence of monumental architecture, and relatively simple political organisation despite their sophisticated gardening techniques.

Samoan society provided a contrasting example with stricter sexual regulations including formal marriage ceremonies and social penalties for adultery. Unwin observed correspondingly higher cultural achievements including permanent villages, sophisticated navigation techniques enabling inter-island travel, and complex political hierarchies based on chiefly systems. The Samoans maintained territorial boundaries and engaged in organised warfare indicating higher cultural energy levels.

North American Indigenous Groups

The Dakota Sioux represented a manistic society with moderate sexual regulations including formal marriage procedures and regulated polygamy based on economic capacity. Their cultural achievements included sophisticated hunting organisation, semi-permanent settlements, and complex ceremonial practices. The Dakota maintained territorial ranges and engaged in organised warfare with neighboring groups.

The Iroquois provided an example of stricter sexual regulations approaching deistic patterns. Their longhouse society maintained formal marriage systems, severe adultery penalties, and complex kinship regulations. Unwin documented corresponding cultural achievements including permanent agricultural settlements, sophisticated political confederation systems, and territorial expansion through organised military campaigns. The Iroquois League represented one of the most complex political organisations in his tribal sample.

South American Societies

The Fuegians of Tierra del Fuego exemplified zoistic cultural patterns with minimal sexual restrictions and correspondingly limited achievements. Unwin noted their nomadic lifestyle, absence of permanent architecture, and simple social organisation based on family bands. Their technological development remained at basic levels with minimal tool production and no territorial expansion patterns.

The Araucanians of Chile presented a contrasting example with stricter sexual regulations and higher cultural achievements. Their society maintained formal marriage systems, polygamy regulated by social status, and severe penalties for sexual violations. Unwin observed corresponding developments including permanent agricultural settlements, sophisticated military organisation enabling resistance against Spanish colonisation, and complex political hierarchies based on territorial chiefs.

Unwin vs Boas' Cultural Relativism

Unwin's methodological approach exemplified the dominant Anglo-Saxon empirical tradition within early twentieth-century anthropology. His research methodology emphasised quantitative correlation analysis, systematic cross-cultural comparison, and the identification of universal laws governing human social development.

This empirical framework reflected broader British intellectual traditions emphasising observable phenomena, statistical verification, and scientific objectivity derived from natural science methodologies.

The Oxford anthropological tradition within which Unwin operated maintained strong connections to evolutionary theory and progressive social development models. Scholars including Edward Tylor and James Frazer had established methodological precedents emphasising comparative analysis across various cultures to identify universal patterns of human development. Unwin extended this tradition through his systematic correlation of sexual regulations with cultural achievements across eighty societies.

Unwin assumed fundamental uniformity in human psychological mechanisms operating across all cultural contexts. His energy conservation principle proposed identical psychological processes linking sexual constraint to cultural achievement regardless of geographical, historical, or cultural variables. This universalist assumption enabled the development of predictive theories applicable across broad social contexts.

Franz Boas and Cultural Relativism

Franz Boas fundamentally opposed the empirical universalism underlying Unwin's principles through his development of cultural relativist ideology. Boas rejected evolutionary schemes proposing universal stages of cultural development, arguing instead each culture represented unique adaptations to specific environmental and historical circumstances. This relativist approach directly contradicted Unwin's search for universal laws governing the relationship between sexual regulation and cultural achievement.

Boas emphasised historical particularism over cross-cultural generalisation, arguing cultural phenomena could only be understood within their specific historical contexts rather than through comparative analysis seeking universal patterns. His methodology prioritised intensive ethnographic study of individual cultures over extensive comparative surveys encompassing multiple societies.

The Boasian revolution in American anthropology, like its foolish successor in sociology, explicitly rejected the psychological universalism underlying Unwin's energy conservation theory. Boas wrongly argued human psychological processes varied significantly across cultural contexts, making universal theories of cultural development scientifically invalid. Cultural patterns reflected "learned behaviours" specific to particular societies rather than universal psychological mechanisms.

Boas was entirely, utterly, and completely wrong. As time showed him to be, again and again. Worse still, despite his lionised statute as a hero, his work was fraud.

Anglo Empiricism vs German Idealism

The methodological divergence between Unwin and Boas reflected deeper philosophical divisions between Anglo-Saxon empiricism and German idealist traditions. Unwin's approach embodied empiricist assumptions emphasising observable phenomena, quantitative measurement, and inductive generalisation from empirical data. His search for universal laws governing cultural development reflected empiricist confidence in scientific methodology's capacity to identify objective truth.

German idealist philosophy, which influenced Boas through his European intellectual formation, emphasised the subjective nature of knowledge and the historical specificity of cultural phenomena. This tradition questioned the possibility of objective scientific knowledge about human societies, arguing cultural understanding required interpretive methodologies acknowledging the researcher's cultural position.

The philosophical divide manifested in differing approaches to causation and explanation. Unwin sought mechanical causes linking sexual regulation to cultural achievement through universal psychological mechanisms. Boas emphasised meaning and interpretation over mechanical causation, arguing cultural phenomena possessed significance only within specific cultural contexts.

He was wrong.

The Frankfurt School and Critical Theory

The intellectual trajectory from Boasian cultural relativism toward Frankfurt School idiot idea critical theory represented further development of German idealist approaches to cultural nonsense. Herbert Marcuse's silly notions combined Freudian psychoanalytic insights with Marxist "social criticism," creating literature fundamentally opposed to Unwin's empirical methodology.

Unwin observed comparative empirical anthropological data across eighty-something societies. Marcuse imagined philosophical and psychoanalytic abstract reasoning derived from Freud and Marx. The former examined data; the latter imagined garbage.

Marcuse's analysis of sexual regulation reflected Frankfurt School emphasis on ideology and the realisation of communism rather than empirical correlation analysis. Where Unwin identified universal psychological mechanisms linking sexual constraint to cultural achievement, Marcuse examined sexual regulation as mechanism of "social control" serving particular class interests. Put simply: capitalism did it. Because, of course it did.

The Frankfurt School approach emphasised abstract historical materialism over concrete psychological universalism, arguing idiotically sexual regulations reflected economic and political relationships rather than universal human nature. This materialist nonsense directly usurped Unwin's energy conservation theory by proposing alternative junk so-called "explanations" for observed correlations between sexual regulation and social organisation.

Marcuse's justification of the Sixties was precisely the opposite of what Unwin's research said promoted human flourishing. Marcuse claimed to be an advocate of "liberation," but what he was promoting was degenerate sewerage.

"Eros and Civilization" as Antithesis

Herbert Marcuse's 1955 revolting treatise "Eros and Civilization" presented systematic theoretical opposition to Unwin's conclusions regarding sexual regulation and cultural development. Marcuse argued sexual repression served the requirements of capitalist economic organisation rather than generating cultural energy through psychological sublimation.

Because, of course.

Marcuse's analysis proposed advanced industrial society created artificial scarcity requiring sexual repression to maintain worker discipline and consumption patterns. Unlike Unwin's universal energy conservation principle, Marcuse identified sexual regulation as a historically specific mechanism serving particular economic arrangements rather than universal requirement for cultural achievement.

Which was, frankly, dumb.

The Marcusian gambit suggested technological advancement eliminated the economic necessity for sexual "repression," enabling development of non-"repressive" civilisation combining sexual freedom (Bonobo-ism) with cultural achievement. This theoretical possibility vomited in the face of Unwin's observation societies must choose between sexual freedom and cultural development.

Marcuse effectively prescribed the inverse of what Unwin’s research demonstrated builds strong societies, and sexual norms which reliably precede or accompany societal decline.

Unwin's own thoughts decades previously accidentally summarise the bankruptcy of people like Marcuse:

The history of these societies consists of a series of monotonous repetitions; and it is difficult to decide which aspect of the story is the more significant: the lamentable waste of human energy or the pathetic simplicity of the human outlook.

Frankfurt School crank sociology rubbished the scientific neutrality claimed by empirical approaches, facetiously arguing apparently objective research often served particular ideological functions. Marcuse's analysis suggested arguments for sexual regulation reflected economic interests rather than universal cultural requirements. Dear God, kill us all now.

His argument we should dismantle all the psychological and social "structures" which channel “libidinal” energy into work and productivity essentially hypothesised we should remove all the walls and support beams of the building because they’re “oppressively” holding up the roof.

The fact the house would collapse without them is, presumably, just evidence of how thoroughly we’ve been brainwashed by architectural capitalism.

But it worked for the horny boomers and their John Lennon "flower power," right?

Unwin's Analysis Of England

The early Anglo-Saxon period demonstrated strict sexual codes including formal marriage requirements, severe adultery penalties, and comprehensive regulations governing sexual conduct. These restrictions generated the cultural energy enabling territorial consolidation, the development of distinctive architectural styles including Saxon churches, and the creation of sophisticated legal codes.

The (glorious) conversion to Christianity intensified these sexual constraints through ecclesiastical marriage regulations and clerical celibacy requirements. Unwin argued this religious transformation increased cultural energy levels, manifesting in enhanced territorial expansion, monumental architecture including great cathedrals, and sophisticated literary production culminating in works like Beowulf.

Medieval Period

The High Medieval period represented the apex of English cultural achievement: strict Christian sexual morality, enforced through ecclesiastical courts and severe social penalties, created unprecedented cultural energy levels. This period produced Gothic architectural achievements including Westminster Abbey and numerous cathedrals, sophisticated literary works including Arthurian romances, and complex political institutions including parliamentary systems.

The medieval guild system exemplified the channeling of sexual energy into productive cultural activities. Craft guilds maintained strict moral codes for members while producing sophisticated artistic and technical achievements. The period's territorial expansion through conquest in Wales, Scotland, and Ireland demonstrated the outward expression of accumulated cultural energy.

Medieval English universities including Oxford and Cambridge emerged during this period of strict sexual regulation, producing sophisticated philosophical and theological works. The scholastic tradition represented intellectual achievement directly correlating with sexual constraint.

Renaissance and Modernism

The Renaissance period marked the beginning of sexual constraint relaxation and corresponding cultural energy decline. Unwin identified increasing divorce rates among nobility, relaxed courtly sexual standards, and reduced emphasis on clerical celibacy as indicators of systematic moral decay. However, cultural achievements continued through accumulated energy from previous periods of strict regulation.

The Elizabethan era represented a transitional phase combining continued cultural productivity with emerging sexual liberalisation. Dramatic achievements including Shakespeare's works and architectural developments reflected residual cultural energy, while court sexual scandals and changing marriage patterns indicated beginning decline phases.

The Emerging Sixties Disaster

Unwin's analysis of contemporary English society revealed accelerating sexual liberalisation threatening continued cultural achievement. He documented rising divorce rates, declining birth rates among educated classes, increasing pre-marital sexual activity, and changing women's roles as evidence of systematic cultural energy dissipation.

The post-Great War period demonstrated particular concern, as traditional sexual constraints weakened through social disruption and changing moral attitudes.

He predicted continued cultural decline unless society restored strict sexual regulations comparable to medieval standards.

Demographic trends provided quantitative evidence supporting Unwin's theoretical predictions. The English birth rate declined significantly during the early twentieth century, particularly among educated middle classes maintaining higher cultural achievement levels. This pattern confirmed his hypothesis linking sexual freedom to reduced reproduction and cultural decline.

The Three-Generation Cycle

Unwin applied his three-generation hypothesis to English historical development, identifying cyclical patterns of moral strictness followed by gradual relaxation and cultural decline. The Norman Conquest initiated a cycle of strict regulation producing High Medieval achievements, followed by gradual relaxation through the late medieval and early modern periods.

The Tudor period represented another cycle beginning with strict religious reformation sexual codes under Henry VIII and culminating in Elizabethan cultural achievements. Subsequent Stuart relaxation initiated decline continuing through the modern period.

This cyclical analysis enabled Unwin to predict future English development based on contemporary sexual trends. He forecasted continued cultural decline unless society restored traditional sexual constraints through deliberate moral reform efforts.

Societies achieving highest cultural development levels invariably maintained strict monogamous marriage systems with severe adultery penalties. These patterns appeared independent of environmental factors, technological development, or economic organisation, indicating fundamental psychological mechanisms linking sexual constraint to cultural energy generation.

The English case represented one example among many demonstrating these universal principles, albeit with particular significance due to Britain's contemporary global influence during Unwin's writing period. His analysis suggested English cultural leadership reflected historical sexual regulation patterns while contemporary liberalisation threatened future achievements.

Sexual Entropy and Civilisation

Unwin's concept of "sexual entropy" represented the central theoretical mechanism explaining civilisational rise and decline. He defined sexual entropy as the natural tendency of societies to progress from sexual constraint toward increasing sexual freedom, paralleling the physical principle of entropy whereby organised systems deteriorate toward maximum disorder. This process operated through generational psychology and social transmission patterns, creating inevitable cycles of cultural achievement and decay.

The entropy mechanism functioned through what Unwin termed "inherited energy." Each generation inherited both the accumulated cultural achievements and the psychological tensions generated by their predecessors' sexual constraints.

The founding generation implementing strict sexual codes experienced maximum tension between natural impulses and imposed restrictions, channeling this energy into extraordinary cultural achievements including territorial expansion, monumental architecture, and sophisticated social institutions.

Sexual entropy manifested through gradual relaxation of inherited constraints as subsequent generations questioned the necessity of restrictions whose original justification became obscure.

The second generation, raised within established moral frameworks, maintained achievement levels whilst beginning to modify inherited codes.

The third generation, removed from founding impulses, implemented substantial relaxations initiating cultural decline phases.

The Energy Conservation Principle

Unwin's energy conservation theory proposed human societies possessed finite quantities of vital energy capable of expression through either sexual activity or cultural production.

Strict sexual regulations forced energy redirection into alternative channels including artistic creation, intellectual development, military expansion, and complex social organisation.

Conversely, sexual freedom dissipated this energy through immediate gratification, reducing motivation for long-term cultural projects.

The conservation mechanism operated through psychological sublimation processes whereby denied direct sexual expression generated creative tension seeking outlet through productive activities.

Societies implementing absolute monogamy with severe adultery penalties created maximum psychological pressure, producing the highest cultural energy levels. Moderate restrictions generated intermediate energy levels, while complete sexual freedom resulted in energy dissipation and cultural stagnation.

Societies enforcing strict monogamous marriage systems consistently demonstrated superior architectural achievement, territorial expansion, artistic production, and social complexity compared to sexually permissive cultures.

The 90 Year Limit

Unwin's three-generation hypothesis proposed that societies could maintain peak cultural energy for only ninety years following implementation of strict sexual codes. This limitation stemmed from inevitable psychological relaxation as memories of founding constraints faded through generational transmission.

The cyclical mechanism operated through predictable phases beginning with social crisis generating demands for moral reform. Reformist movements implemented strict sexual codes creating cultural energy accumulation manifested in territorial expansion, architectural achievements, and social innovation.

Peak achievement periods typically lasted one generation before gradual relaxation commenced, accelerating through subsequent generations until complete moral collapse necessitated new reform cycles.

Historical evidence supported these temporal patterns across multiple civilisations:

• Roman greatness correlated with early Republican sexual austerity, declining as Imperial moral standards relaxed.
• Greek achievements during the Classical period reflected earlier moral strictness.
• Hellenistic decline followed predictable entropy patterns.
• Medieval European achievements resulted from Christian sexual morality, with Renaissance and modern decline reflecting progressive moral relaxation.

The Monogamy Threshold

Unwin's analysis revealed a critical threshold distinguishing societies capable of achieving rationalistic cultural energy from those remaining at manistic levels. Only societies implementing what he termed "absolute monogamy" combined with "prenuptial chastity" achieved the highest cultural developments including territorial empires, monumental architecture, and sophisticated philosophical systems.

Absolute monogamy required lifelong marriage bonds with no divorce provisions and severe penalties for adultery including death or permanent social exclusion. Prenuptial chastity demanded complete sexual abstinence before marriage for both sexes, enforced through social supervision and severe punishments for violations. These combined restrictions created maximum psychological tension generating peak cultural energy levels.

Societies implementing modified monogamy allowing divorce or tolerating moderate sexual freedom achieved intermediate development levels but remained incapable of sustaining major civilisational achievements. The threshold effect appeared absolute across Unwin's sample, with no exceptions to the correlation between strict monogamous codes and highest cultural achievement levels.

Birth Rates, Birth Rates, Birth Rates

Sexual entropy produced systematic demographic consequences affecting civilisational sustainability. Strict sexual codes promoted high birth rates through channeling sexual energy into reproductive activity within marriage practices. Early marriage ages, prohibition of contraception, and social emphasis on family formation generated population growth supporting territorial expansion and economic development.

Conversely, sexual freedom correlated with declining birth rates as individuals prioritised immediate gratification over family obligations. Societies permitting easy divorce, pre-marital relations, and alternative sexual arrangements experienced systematic fertility reduction, particularly among educated classes capable of cultural leadership. This demographic pattern reinforced cultural decline through reducing the population base necessary for maintaining complex civilisations.

Unwin documented these demographic patterns across his historical sample, noting consistent correlations between sexual liberalisation and population decline. Roman Imperial demographics demonstrated fertility reduction among patrician classes coinciding with moral relaxation.

Contemporary Western societies exhibited similar patterns with educated classes maintaining lower birth rates while relaxing traditional sexual constraints.

Property and Economy

Strict monogamous societies developed complex property systems supporting family stability and inter-generational wealth transmission. Marriage institutions created economic partnerships enabling long-term planning and investment, whilst inheritance systems motivated productive activity for family benefit.

The breakdown of sexual constraints undermined these economic foundations through destabilising family institutions. Easy divorce reduced investment incentives while alternative sexual arrangements decreased motivation for property accumulation. Social organisation complexity declined as kinship systems weakened and traditional authority structures lost legitimacy.

Unwin traced these economic consequences across civilisational cycles, noting correlations between moral decay and economic decline. Societies experiencing sexual entropy typically exhibited reduced trade networks, declining craftsmanship, architectural deterioration, and decreased territorial control reflecting overall cultural energy dissipation.

Sound familiar?

Strict sexual codes generated what Unwin termed "mental energy" manifested in philosophical innovation, artistic creativity, and scientific advancement. The psychological tension created by sexual constraint stimulated intellectual activity and creative expression.

Sexual liberalisation correlated with declining intellectual achievement as energy dissipated through immediate gratification rather than productive sublimation. Societies experiencing entropy exhibited reduced philosophical innovation, declining artistic standards, and decreased interest in abstract intellectual pursuits. Popular culture increasingly emphasised sensual gratification rather than cultural refinement.

These psychological changes reinforced civilisational decline through reducing the intellectual capacity necessary for maintaining complex social institutions. Educational systems deteriorated, intellectual traditions weakened, and cultural transmission across generations became less effective, accelerating overall entropy processes.

Old Work Dismissed For Fashionable Nonsense

Unwin's ideas and research may seem stuffy and puritanical to us today, but his intellectual brilliance and methodical study of human nature have shown him to not only be prescient, but scientific in his endeavours. Boas' trendy notions won the day, ultimately, and we're paying a steep price for them now.

Sociology students everywhere dismiss this literature in the same way they dismiss empirical studies of IQ: it's whiteness, racism, cultural snobbishness.

It we were to compare these claims over time, what we learn is striking:

• Paul: sexual degeneration is a symptom of moral and civilisational decline, which occurs in a recognised debilitating sequence.
• Unwin: sexual behaviour and cultural achievement are linked: some cultures achieve more because they constrain sexual morality and channel their energies into other productive activity.
• Boas: all cultures are equally valuable and criticisms of them are baked in contextual prejudice from each others' norms.
• Marcuse: sexual behaviour is artificial constrained as a conspiracy by capitalism and a communist revolution can harness sexual repression to liberate humanity into his true and productive state of nature.

When put like that, one can notice clearly the ideological shift after WWII in favour of the social sciences' folly, which appealed to the darker base of human ape nature. Of course apes want to chase physical gratification endlessly without limit; of course our reproductive drive is insanely powerful and unrelenting. All they ever needed was an intellectual justification for it.

The trouble with making absurd sociological claims is... time. Time proves you wrong. The fruits of your ideas come home to roost. Our norms and constraints of sexuality evolved over time; they were not spontaneous or frivolous, even if they may have been heavy-handed and resulted in an over-correction during the age of contraception.

There was no communist revolution from promiscuity: it produced the most selfish consumer society in human history. There was no glorious multicultural harmony to the soundtrack of "Imagine" by John Lennon: mixing wildly different cultures in close proximity produced sectarianism and conflict. These are glaringly obvious to us now, but are conclusions resisted at every level and in every corner of university faculty lounges and radical NGO boardrooms.

Unwin wrote seven volumes of research, and his 600-page book was a "summary" of his work. He was an Oxford scholar who continued his work at Cambridge in the midst of Weimar Berlin sexual depravity.

His research revealed the single most important correlation with the flourishing of a culture was whether pre-nuptial chastity was required or not. The most powerful combination was pre-nuptial chastity coupled with “absolute monogamy”. Rationalist cultures which retained this combination for at least three generations exceeded all others in every area, including literature, art, science, furniture, architecture, engineering, and agriculture. England was the only modern Western culture out of the three which attained such a level.

If total sexual freedom was embraced by a culture, it collapsed within three generations into the lowest state of flourishing: people who have little interest in much else other than their own wants and needs. At this level, the culture was usually conquered or taken over by another culture with greater energy.

When our culture is producing infamous prostitutes attempting to be on camera for mating with the most males in a single day, along with collapsing birth rates and sclerotic economic growth, can we really afford to ignore any of this anymore?

We've run both sides of the experiment: one produced an empire; the other produced social disaster for the hedonistic convenience of a generation hoarding their wealth.

Put simply: introducing constraints on sexuality fires up a culture, because its productive members take out their sexual frustration by building nuclear reactors and cathedrals. We took the wrong route and got abortion til birth, and OnlyFans.