The Mangla Dam And A Foreign Rape Epidemic

On this holy day of Pakistani independence, inshallah, it's important to acknowledge how such an integrated BAME enclave, our greatest strength, have enriched the YooKay's ancient multicultural society. From chancellors, home secretaries, tiny London mayors, boxers, and fifteen loyal MPs, their tireless compassion for the people of Great Britain, coupled with their religious tolerance and distinct respect for women, have produced a historic legacy so far away from their natural home in the mountains of rural Asia.

So the manufactured storyline goes for the Eurocommunist technocratic Bristol vegan cyclist watching BBC Question Time. Which would all be rather peachy, if we were actually living in an episode of Star Trek as a different species on an alternative timeline, and any of it were remotely true. Unfortunately, reality has a far-right bias. Just as facts are "weaponised" by neo-Nazi grandmas at Bridge club to feed Russian bots who want to thwart the battle for climate justice. Or something.

Those types would be well advised to avoid reading about the Rape of Rawalpindi:

Right before partition took place in August 1947, there were what we now know as the “Rape of Rawalpindi,” where Sikh and Hindu women killed their baby girls and then threw themselves into wells to avoid further “dishonor” or being raped. Women were bartered for the safety of families and some were killed by their kin, again, to protect the ‘honor’ of the family. During the Bangladesh Liberation War, more than 200,000 Bengali women and girls were sexually assaulted by the Pakistan Army and the religious militias.

The English story goes back to 1960, when the World Bank helped the newly-partitioned countries of India and Pakistan share the Indus River. 110,000 people lost their homes after their villages were flooded by a new dam designed by a British engineering company. Where did they all go? That's right.

Veterans, Sailors, GDP Fillers

The approximately 10,000 Pakistanis in Britain by 1951 came primarily from three main backgrounds: sailors (lascars), military veterans, and workers from specific regions with established British connections. From 1842 to 1857, immigrants from Punjab, Sindh, and Kashmir had been arriving as employees of the British East India Company, typically as militia (soldiers) and sailors in British port cities. Seamen who were recruited from Sylhet (in present-day Bangladesh) and Mirpur (in present-day Pakistan) were often not re-employed on return journeys and so were forced to remain in Britain.

The vast majority originated from Mirpur in Kashmir, aka "Little England," which had "a long history of out-migration." Sailors from Mirpur had found work as engine-room stokers on British ships sailing out of Bombay and Karachi since the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Many were from middle-ranking peasant families in Punjab, particularly those who had been previously employed in the colonial army or the police force and their relatives.

Migration from the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir began soon after the Second World War as the majority of the male population of this area and the Potohar region worked in the British armed forces. These soldiers fought alongside the British Army during the First and Second World Wars, particularly in the former during the Western Front and in the latter, during the Battle of France, the North African Campaign and the Burma Campaign.

Many contributed to the war effort as skilled labourers, including as assembly-line workers in the aircraft factory at Castle Bromwich, Birmingham, which produced Spitfire fighter aircraft. Most returned to South Asia after their service, although many of these former soldiers returned to Britain in the 1950s and 1960s to fill labour shortages

Following the Second World War, employers invited Pakistanis to fill labour shortages which arose in Britain. As Commonwealth citizens after 1948, they were eligible for most British civic rights. They found employment in the textile industries of Lancashire and Yorkshire, manufacturing in the West Midlands and the car production and food processing industries of Luton and Slough.

In 1955, as our friends at J'Accuse have documented, northern British newspapers began reporting some strange goings-on: in the first clear case, four Bradford-based Pakistani men appeared at Bradford City Court accused of "having carnal knowledge" of a 15-year-old child from Middlesbrough.

By the end of the decade in 1959, officials in these areas were becoming distressed by cases they were adjudicating involving children:

In a statement to a police woman a 16-year-old Colne girl admitted that she drank six gin and oranges in a Keighley hotel. Afterwards she went out with a 30-year-old Pakistani and did not return home that night, The girl appeared before a Juvenile Panel yesterday as being in need of care and protection and exposed to moral danger. The chairman, Mr. R. J. Walker, described the case as ‘“the worst in my 20 years’ experience.”’ A supervision order was made for three years and the girl was warned to keep off drink and away from these people in Keighley.

In the 1960s, Mirpur was described as "a conservative district" where "life in its rural villages was dominated by rigid hierarchies." The first generation migrants were "not highly educated, and they had little or no experience of urban living in Pakistan."

The history of the Pakistani diaspora is given in a 2018 paper by the Centre on International Migration, Remittances and Diaspora (CIMRAD) at the Lahore School of Economics:

The overall Pakistani diaspora community rose from 747,285 in 2001 to 1,174,983 in 2011 (ONS, 2011). This data incorporates not only first generation migrants but also their second and third generation counterparts. However, it is the UK born Pakistanis who account for over half of the Pakistani population growth since 1991. The 2001 census revealed that 86 per cent of Pakistanis aged 0 to 14 were born in the UK and during 2001 to 2011, the total Pakistani born population increased from 308,000 to 482,000. (The Change Institute, 2009). Even though a considerable percentage of the population (around 30%) arrived before 1981 and before the stricter immigration controls, the highest percentage of arrivals (around 40%) was recorded during 2001 to 2011.

A decade later, the population was half a million higher, at 1.6 million.

A British Dam Creates A Migration Wave

The Mangla Dam project, conceived in the 1950s as part of the Indus Waters Treaty between India and Pakistan, became operational between 1961 and 1967, creating what would become the sixth-largest dam in the world.

Binnie & Partners, a British engineering firm led by Geoffrey Binnie, served as the lead designers, engineers, and inspectors for the dam's construction, while the actual construction was undertaken by American contractors. This arrangement meant British engineers were intimately involved in a project they knew would cause massive displacement. The British government's role extended beyond technical consultation to become what sources describe as "one of the international guarantors for the project," making them complicit in the human consequences which followed.

Over 280 villages and the towns of Mirpur and Dadyal were submerged, displacing over 110,000 people from their ancestral lands. These weren't just houses lost - entire communities, agricultural systems, and ways of life were permanently erased. The flooding destroyed the region's agricultural base, eliminating the traditional farming economy which had sustained these communities for generations.

The British response to this humanitarian crisis was calculated rather than compassionate. Some of the displaced people were given work permits for the UK, with migrant status forming "part of a compensation package for locals". This wasn't altruism but necessity - Britain faced severe labour shortages in its textile mills and industrial sectors during the post-war boom. Labour shortages in British mill towns were actually advertised in Mirpur, encouraging displaced men to use their compensation money to fund their passage to a new life.

Between 1965 and 1967 almost 2,600 B vouchers were issued to Pakistanis. The barely-mentioned voucher scheme of the sixties had catastrophic effects. Nobody really cared about immigration vouchers, but Hansard still records boring debates on them.

Those Pakistanis who entered Britain before the Commonwealth Immigration Act in 1962 were predominantly economically active men. The so-called 'voucher system' gave the opportunity for those who were already in Britain to arrange jobs and vouchers for their relatives and friends. The 1962 Act had a decisive effect on the pattern of migration. It turned a movement of workers, many of whom who were probably interested in staying temporarily, into a permanent immigration of families. (BBC)

The immigration wave that followed was extraordinary in its concentration and impact. Up to 50,000 people from Mirpur (~50% of the displaced) resettled in Britain, with more joining their relatives after benefiting from government compensation and liberal migration policies. This created what became known as "chain migration" - each successful migrant facilitated the arrival of extended family members. Today, there are 747,000 Mirpuris in the United Kingdom, forming about 70% of British Pakistanis.

The geographic concentration of this migration was striking. Mirpuris today account for 70% of British Pakistanis, with much higher percentages in cities like Bradford, where they form an estimated three-quarters of the Pakistani population. This wasn't random settlement but reflected the industrial labour demands of specific British cities and the tendency of migrants to cluster in established communities.

In Britain, this migration fundamentally altered the demographic composition of industrial cities, creating large, concentrated communities which maintained strong cultural and economic ties to their homeland. Most immigrants initially planned to stay for just a few years, but extensive chain migration resulted in permanent settlement. The cultural impact was profound - Mirpuri-Pahari became the second most spoken language in Britain, remarkably better preserved than in its place of origin.

For the communities left behind in Mirpur, the consequences were equally dramatic but more problematic. The dam fundamentally disrupted traditional social structures while the massive outmigration created a culture dependent on remittances rather than local economic development. The displacement effectively destroyed the old rural social order while creating new forms of transnational connection that would later facilitate the persistence of traditional practices like forced marriage across continents.

As Pakistani-Canadian writer Hina Husain points out:

Tony Capstick, an associate professor of language and migration at the University of Reading, has been studying the UK’s Pakistani Mirpuri population for almost 17 years, working closely with families in both Lancashire and Mirpur. “What’s happened, in a nutshell,” says Capstick, “is migrants from a very poor part of the other side of the planet, with completely different religious and cultural practices, have come to live and work in a very disadvantaged part of the UK where already there’s huge social problems”. As a result, these post-industrial towns are now embroiled in “this situation where it’s been difficult for both communities to live together”.

The British government's provision of work permits wasn't humanitarian assistance but a practical solution to their own labour shortages, using displaced people as a convenient workforce while maintaining plausible deniability about the displacement they had helped engineer.

A Charming People Merely In Need Of Education

Mirpur District was historically part of the Jammu province of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, founded around 1640 by the Ghakhar chief Miran Shah Ghazi during the early rule of the Mughal Empire. The region has strong cultural and linguistic ties to the neighbouring Pothohar region of Punjab rather than Kashmir proper. Ethnologically, the area shares much in common with neighbouring Pothohar, particularly the Gujar Khan region, with Jat cultivators, a smaller Rajput aristocracy, and various occupational castes.

The region follows "mostly the practices of the Punjabi Potohari culture" and maintains strong patriarchal traditions.

By the fourteenth century, Islam had become the vastly dominant religion of the Kashmiri masses. The greatest missionary influence came from Mir Sayyid Ali Hamadani of Hamadan (Persia), popularly known as "Shah-i-Hamadan," who belonged to the Kubrawi order of Sufis and came to Kashmir with seven hundred disciples. Hamadani arrived in Kashmir in 1384 and began spreading the Islamic faith among common masses, introducing the Kubravi order of Sufism.

However, the conversion process was complex: the Muslim community had virtually adopted a Hindu way of life, to the extent they were even worshipping idols, celebrating Hindu festivals, and dressing after the Hindu fashion until they were taught to give this up by Hamdani.

In 1339, Shah Mīr came to power, rebranding himself as Sultan Shams ad-Dīn and consolidating Muslim rule in Kashmir. His descendants (the Shah Mīri or Swati dynasty) ruled Kashmir until the mid-16th century. Sultan Sikandar's reign (1389–1413 CE) terminated the long-standing syncretic and tolerant culture of Kashmir. In rigorous abidance by Sharia, he severely oppressed the Kashmiri Hindu population. Brahmans were forcibly converted, Hindu and Buddhist shrines were destroyed, and Jizya was imposed.

Enrichment From A Delightful Culture

In 1843, when Hindu priests in Sindh (which includes the Mirpur region) complained to British General Charles Napier about the prohibition of sati (a widow burning alive on the funeral pyre of her husband), he delivered one of history's most direct rejections of cultural relativism as an excuse for violence against women. Napier replied:

Be it so. This burning of widows is your custom; prepare the funeral pile. But my nation has also a custom. When men burn women alive we hang them, and confiscate all their property. My carpenters shall therefore erect gibbets on which to hang all concerned when the widow is consumed. Let us all act according to national customs.

The fundamental belief in this "culture" is women's bodies, sexuality, reproductive capacity, and social behaviour belong to their male relatives (fathers, brothers, husbands) and by extension, the broader community. This isn't metaphorical - it's treated as literal ownership. The system draws heavily on pre-Islamic tribal codes which treated women as commodities for alliance-building and property transfer. These ancient customs have been given religious veneer but remain fundamentally tribal.

The family's social standing, respect, and religious legitimacy are believed to depend entirely on controlling "their" women. Any perceived loss of control - whether through rape, consensual relationships, marriage choices, or even social behaviour - is seen as theft of male property and community humiliation. The threat of being "dishonoured" creates a culture of fear where families will commit extreme violence against their own members to avoid social ostracism.

The community has created Islamic religious justifications by:

• Conflating tribal customs with religious requirements
• Using selective interpretation of concepts like "honour" and "purity"
• Treating male authority over women as divinely mandated

Each generation teaches the next:

• Women who resist control bring catastrophe to the family
• Men who don't control "their" women are failures
• Violence in defense of "honour" is noble and necessary
• Outside legal systems are illegitimate interference

This creates what anthropologists call a "total social system" - where every aspect of social organisation reinforces dominance through the threat of violence. It's not just "backward tradition" - it's a comprehensive system of social control which uses religious and cultural language to justify what is essentially organised criminality.

Any loss of control represents not just personal transgression but theft of male property and public humiliation of the family unit. The response must be proportional to the perceived crime: violence up to and including murder. The system works precisely because it creates total community complicity—perpetrators become heroes, victims become criminals, and silence becomes survival.

The result is a totalising belief where questioning male authority becomes tantamount to rejecting Allah, where protecting women becomes interference with divine will, and where the most extreme violence against family members becomes acts of religious devotion.

So Much Diversity And Strength

Not only is Pakistan a nuclear-armed rogue state with an intelligence service who hid Bin Laden and operated a nuclear weapons trading network, it is ranked the 6th most dangerous country for women globally.

The history of mass violence in this country is staggering and horrific:

The most frequent form of collective violence was the attack by huge crowds upon villages, trains, refugee camps and long files of migrants. It generally took the shape of tit-for-tat mass murders, raids on villages and train stations, abduction, loot, arson, derailment of train and stabbing of the passengers, castration, mutilation and rape. Sexual molestation of women was deliberately meant to emphasize the vulnerability of the community and the incapability of men as protectors.

Mass Rape

During the partition of India and Pakistan in 1947 approximately 100,000 women were raped. During the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971, members of the Pakistani military and Razakar paramilitary mass-raped 400,000 Bengali women and girls in a systematic campaign. Women who fled mass rape in Kashmir in 1991 were then raped by Indian troops.

This is not isolated: Turkish troops participating in the 1974 invasion and occupation of Cyprus were notorious for the widespread rape of women and girls. In one instance, twenty-five girls who reported their rapes by Turkish soldiers to Turkish officers were then raped again by those officers.

Acid Attacks

With about 200 acid attacks reported annually, Pakistan has a reputation for being one of the deadliest countries for disfiguring women. 750 acid attack survivors are registered with the Smile Again Foundation, which provides medical care and covers educational and vocational training courses. It got so bad, the National Assembly was forced to pass the Acid and Burn Crime Bill 2018, which regulates and limits the sale of acid.

Honour Killing ("karo-kari")

The practice of "karo-kari" makes for sick and stark reading, with idiot academics thinking intellectual work can reduce it. Between 1998 and 2004 over 4,000 honour killing cases were reported in Pakistan. Around 400-900 cases are reported annually, with a 2015 peak of 1,184. Punjab Police recorded 3,154 honour killings in the province between 2011–2021. Sindh Police recorded 572 cases between 2017–2021.

The spread of this practice to Britain is well-described in a 2004 paper:

Honor killings, locally known as "karo-kari" (Urdu: کاروکاری), are an ancient tradition still observed in Pakistan. In this practice, a male family member, sometimes aided by another female, kills a female relative to protect the family's image. This practice is referred to as "غیرت کے نام پر قتل" (Aurat ke naam par qatl) in Urdu. In sociological terms, it is known as Honor-Based Violence (HBV), which can be defined as any form of violence or abuse carried out to safeguard the honor of a family. Victims of honor crimes are mostly young females, but sometimes it can be other individuals, such as older females, young boys, or even adults.

Honour Rape

Rape was only criminalised in Pakistan in 1979 by the Offence of Zina (Enforcement Of Hudood) Ordinance. The Hudud Ordinances themselves are Islamic byelaws which replaced the British penal code.

Honour rape is where a tribal council (jirga) orders a woman to be raped as a form of punishment or to settle a dispute involving her family. The most infamous is the case of Mukhtar Mai, who was gang-raped on the orders of a village council and garnered international attention:

Mai's 12-year-old brother, Abdul Shakoor Tatla (or Shakur Tatla), was abducted by three Baloch Mastoi men. He was taken to a sugar field where he was gang raped and sodomized repeatedly. When the boy refused to stay silent about the incident, he was kept imprisoned in the home of Abdul Khaliq, a Mastoi man. When police came to investigate, Shakoor was accused of having an affair with Khaliq's sister, Salma Naseen, who was in her late 20s at the time. Shakoor was then arrested on charges of adultery.

The Mastoi tribal council (jirga) convened separately regarding Shakoor's alleged affair with Naseen. They concluded that Shakoor should marry Naseen while Mai be married to a Mastoi man. Villagers rejected this conclusion due to the belief that adultery must be punished with adultery. Mai was called to the council to apologize to the Mastoi tribe for her brother's actions. When she arrived, she was dragged to a nearby hut where she was gang raped in retaliation by four Mastoi men while an additional 10 people watched. Following the rape, she was paraded nude through the village.

A 1991 report by Human Rights Watch catalogues staggering and breathtaking abuse of women by police. The US State Department notes most rapes are never reported:

According to reports compiled by the Sustainable Social Development Organization and the Centre for Research, Development and Communication, at least 5,551 women were kidnapped, 2,818 were subjected to physical assault, 304 were raped, and 53 were killed in so-called honor killings across the country from May to August.

The law made maiming or killing using a corrosive substance a crime and imposed stiff penalties against convicted perpetrators. There were reports that the practice of disfigurement – including cutting off a woman’s nose or ears or throwing acid in her face, in connection with domestic disputes or so-called honor crimes – continued and that legal repercussions were rare.

Forced Marriage

Ironically, the best statistics on forced marriage come out of... England. In 2023, there were 280 forced marriage cases where the UK Forced Marriage Unit provided advice and support. UK Home Office data shows 60% of forced marriages by Pakistani families are linked to Bhimber, Kotli, and Mirpur. Hundreds of cases annually involve British nationals married against their will in Mirpur, often brought under pretense of attending family weddings.

There is no such thing as "consensual" marriage in this revolting backwater.

Pakistan has also passed laws to try and prevent “bride burning” and dowry related violence (often initiated when a bride’s in-laws decide her dowry is insufficient) as well as acid attacks, which have recently increased in frequency and may occur when a women has refused or attempted to leave a marriage.

Cousin Marriage

Peace was achieved in England largely due to the restrictions on cousin marriage, because it promotes the formation of clans and the conflict between them. Cousin marriage, also known as consanguineous marriage, is a deeply ingrained social custom in Pakistan. This isn't an eccentricity, it is a preference: up to 80% of marriages in some areas are to close family members.

Despite disingenuous press articles, the literature makes it clear this practice hasn't gone away. In fact, it's more popular in the younger Pakistani demographic:

Evidence from small-scale studies conducted in the 1980s and the 1990s showed cousin marriage to be more common among young British Pakistani adults than among their parents. A West Yorkshire study found an increase from 33 to 55% in the proportion of first-cousin marriages by comparing the marriages of 100 young mothers in the postnatal wards of two maternity hospitals with their reports of their mothers’ marriages. An Oxford study found an increase from 37 to 59% in first-cousin marriages, by comparing 70 marriages of adult children and grandchildren with data on the marriages of their pioneer-generation parent

In England we now have idiot academics defending this practice and suggesting a ban on it would be "eugenics."

Bride Burning

It's hardly believable any culture would endorse burning someone to death if they planned to marry them. Not in India or Pakistan. According to UNIFEM research, up to 1800 women a year were being burnt alive in 1990. Bride burning was something bought up to the European Commission by Anna Karamanou in 2004 where she describes:

This is a form of violence within the family in which women are burned by their own husbands or parents-in-law for reasons ranging from financial disagreements to the drunkenness of the husband. The perpetrators of this crime pour kerosene over the women and set them alight; alternatively, they simply throw acid at them. The official explanation is that the woman suffered an accident while cooking. In any case, the victim usually dies as a result, either directly or subsequently due to inadequate treatment. Because women are intimidated, charges are only brought rarely.

Need We Go On?

None of these even begins to touch the other wonderfully romantic "cultural practices" found this in place:

• Domestic violence: 90% of women
• Female genital mutilation ("Haram ki boti"): 80% in some studies
• Forced conversion to Islam: hundreds of newspaper reports
• 40,000 radical extremist madrassas

What's left? Burying women alive? Paedophilia with teenage dancing boys?

Magic Soil Theory: But They're British Now

Junk sociology theory goes something like this: evil people are evil because they aren't educated and don't know their behaviour is evil. Bad behaviour comes from invisible "norms" in societies which haven't been enlightened by Marxism. When they learn about magical human rights, they magically become better people and stop doing evil things. Being born on Western soil or into a Western culture means people take on that culture instead of the one they inherited from family and ethnos.

If enough generations pass, the whole line eventually transforms, by magic, into a different group of people, as they forget their origin culture.

All cultures are "socially constructed" and essentially the same – just blank slate universal humans made of mouldable clay – so we can all live happily ever after mixed into together as a colourful tapestry of multiple religions and customs. Presumably with antiracist unicorns, magic money trees, and transgender polycules, to the soundtrack of "Imagine" by John Lennon.

In other words, if one is born in a stable, one magically becomes a horse. This does not apply to white people, or anyone familiar with the capitalist mode of production, who remain white and capitalist no matter where they are born. And this apparently has something to do with property rights, or something. They're bad in English capitalism, but diverse multicultural strength in Pakistan when applied to women, unless applied to feminist theory, or something – who even knows, at this point.

J'Accuse highlights examples of this amazing miracle occurring in 1966:

A 30-year-old Pakistani man, Mohammed Habib, was accused of assaulting a 13-year-old girl in Oldham, Lancashire, after providing alcohol (gin and vodka) to two boys and two girls. Superintendent David Rees described the incident as part of a broader issue in the area, where men buy drinks for young people to take advantage of them. Habib, who pleaded guilty, was remanded with a recommendation for deportation.

This is accompanied by a long series of multicultural integration examples: stalking and rape in Reading (1960); a "mauling" in Trafalgar Square (1961); an assault on an 11 year-old girl in Leicester (1962); more child rapes in Reading (1966); abduction and child rape (1970); gang rapes of girls in High Wycombe (1972); 22 year-old girls gang-raped (1973); another 17 year-old in Reading (1973); an eighteen year old gang-raped in a Newcastle taxi, and a 18 year old abducted and raped (1975).

Import The 3rd World, Get 3rd World Culture

The lineage of Pakistani immigration is exceptionally well documented and understood. "British" Pakistanis are the second-largest ethnic group in the YooKay, behind Indians – and the largest in Europe. According to the 2021 census, there are 1.6 million in the country as 2.7% of the population. As would be expected, 93% of them are Muslim.

Let’s calculate it step by step, for those in the back who skipped Maths GCSE.

• 1951 UK population: ~50.29 million
• 1951 Pakistanis: 10,000 ÷ 50,290,000 × 100 ≈ 0.0199%
• 2021 UK population: ~67.33 million
• 2021 Pakistanis: 1,600,000 ÷ 67,330,000 × 100 ≈ 2.38%
• Increase in share = 2.38% − 0.0199% ≈ 2.36 percentage points
• Relative growth factor = 2.38 ÷ 0.0199 ≈ 119.6×
• Pakistanis have experienced a ~11,860% increase in their share of the UK’s total population over 70 years.

A decade ago in 2014, only 27% of surveyed Britons believed they had made a favourable contribution.

The cities in Britain with the highest Urdu-speaking Pakistani populations by concentration are:

Now let's take an uncomfortable look at the cities where serious rape gang criminality has been reported.

Nobody has done this research, because of course they deliberately haven't. Because it might end up with an empirical conclusion. Wikipedia alone has detailed entries for Aylesbury, Banbury, Bristol, Derby, Halifax, Huddersfield, Keighley, Manchester. Newcastle, Oxford, Peterborough, Rochdale, Rotherham and Telford.

According to anecdotal open source research from The Composite Guy:

The calculation uses a simple per capita baseline which is always beyond schoolchild whataboutism deployed by bad actors:

I'm using local census data for each area and applying standard demographic distribution for sex and age at the time the crimes took place.

Approximately 1 in 17979 White men have been convicted for a grooming gang crimes. Approximately 1 in 206 Muslim men have been convicted. This means Muslims are 87 times more likely to commit the crime than Whites in Bristol.

If we cross-reference the two, we can see the correlation is more complex, and not linear:

There are a dozen difference variables here: whether crimes were actually reported; illegal immigration vs census figures; whether offenders lived where they committed the crimes, and so on. Bradford and Leicester have equal population proportions, but wildly different estimated offending rates.

Much, much more research is required; the exact kind the government doesn't want to do, and doesn't want anyone else doing either.

The Indus Foaming With Much Blood

And what been the British Establishment's typical response to all of this?

1. The leader of the House of Commons dismissing concerns about mass child rape as a "dog whistle."
2. The "safeguarding" minister dismissing public demands for a national inquiry into rape gangs
3. British Pakistani MPs demanding the Pakistani Prime Minister build an international airport in Mirpur
4. Both parties suppressing a bill to ban cousin marriage in England
5. The Labour party asking an ex-Tory MP to attempt to entrench a misguided "definition" of so-called "islamophobia."
6. Pakistani MPs calling for Islamic blasphemy laws in Parliament

Every time history is called upon to judge the actions of the Establishment, the scorecard gets worse.

• They built a welfare system thinking each generation would be the same or larger. Time proved them wrong.
• They thought the nationality law in 1948 would solve the empire question. Time proved them wrong.
• They gave out work permit vouchers to Windrushers, Indians, Pakistanis, and Bangladeshis and thought people would leave. Time proved them wrong.
• They thought ending commonwealth migration in 1962 would stem the tide, when it made chain migration permanent. Time proved them wrong.
• They thought these people would integrate. Time proved them wrong.
• They dismissed 1970s stories of Pakistani grooming as a BNP-sponsored racist campaigning tactic. Time proved them wrong.
• They thought the magic soil would transform third world savages into the English, given enough time. Time proved them wrong.

These people haven't integrated into our culture; nor has the magical soil transformed them into us. They have reproduced their "culture" here, and the results have been disastrous. As in 1843 when the Raj declared their widow-burning incompatible with our customs and traditions, the British people are, yet again, screaming at full volume, the exact same thing.

But this time, it's not work permits to rebuild the country; it's to pay for the GDP-welfare ponzi system they and the rest of the 3rd World avail themselves of. And not only are the Establishment refusing to acknowledge the problem, they're simply declaring ordinary people the "uneducated" and "racist" enemy – exactly what they called the Bengalis in 1843.

Enoch Powell didn't just underestimate the problem. He got the geography wrong. Instead of the Tiber river, he meant to say the Indus river.